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Parecon: an alternative to capitalism
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Parecon: an alternative to capitalism
If there was to be an award for the most vacuous gesture of the year, then it should land in the lap of the Norwegian Nobel committee. This month, they awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to Muhammad Yunus for developing the Grameen Bank and micro-credit. The latter, according to the good people on the Nobel committee, would allow “large population groups to find ways in which to break out of poverty”. While micro-credit has undoubtedly helped a few poor women “break out of poverty”, nonetheless, Bangladesh remains one of the poorest countries in the world.
About 80% of its people live on less than $2 a day, and nearly half the population struggles below the official poverty line. Micro-credit is so favoured by the elite (like the Nobel committee) because it allows the free market to redirect wealth bottom up, while pretending to care for the poor. Similarly, the apostles of neo-liberal economics can continue their savage attack on the welfare system, demanding less government intervention, as micro-credit will take care of poverty.
So much for Yunus, the new saviour of the world’s two billion poor. While prizes used to be awarded for ‘thinking outside the box’, the basis now seems to be to think within the elite consensus. Thus, those, who think that capitalism itself and its periodic crises are at the root of much poverty, inequality and ecological destruction, are denounced as fantasists. One such fantasist is Michael Albert, the co-founder of ZMag (www.zmag.org) and the South End Press, has come up with a workable alternative to the capitalist hegemony. He has called it parecon, short for participatory economics, with “equitable incomes, circumstances, opportunities, and responsibilities for all participants”.
The model he has designed does away with class in the workplace and ultimately in society. It dispenses with managerial levels, or what Albert terms the coordinator class. Owners are also eliminated from the equation. In that vision, “parecon also does away with markets, which pit each actor against all others, destroy solidarity, impose class division, mis-price all public goods, ignore collective effects beyond direct buyers and sellers, violate ecological balance and sustainability… In place of markets, parecon uses a system of workers and consumers, through their self-managing councils, cooperatively negotiating inputs and outputs for all firms and actors in accord with true and full social costs and benefits of economic activities.”
<B>How does it work? </B>
The structure of the modern workplace is organised around a hierarchical structure. Orders are passed from the top and those at the bottom have to execute, simple as that. A totalitarian institution in short. The workers are mere automatons, with no input into decisions that affect their day. Furthermore, the coordinator class usually occupies all the empowering jobs, the “knowledge sector” as it is sometimes called. This becomes a vicious circle with an impenetrable enclosure. It is based on a 20/80 distribution, where 20% do the empowering jobs, the decision-taking, while 80% are automatons, respecting orders and carrying out the same tasks repetitively. In parecon, this structure is subverted. The coordinator class is abolished, replaced by a workers’ council, where each worker contributes to decisions that affect them, with a voting process, based on consensus or simple majority depending on the situation.
Consumer councils</B>
On top of providing an environment that encourages worker participation, the firm will also take steps towards ecological efficiency. This is for a simple reason. Under capitalist norms, pollution is always rewarded. Through GDP, economic activities that are hurtful are recorded as a positive, and so are the cleaning-up operations. Thus, one of the most important statistical measures of capitalist progress is distorted.
Despite all the wonderful steps that a company might take towards a less debilitating version of business, all would fail if it were to enter the market economy. Thus, the next step in Albert’s scheme is the creation of a consumer council. According to the economist, “every individual, family, or living unit would belong to a neighbourhood consumption council. Each neighbourhood council would belong to a federation of neighbourhood councils the size of a ward or rural county. Each ward would belong to a city consumption council, each city and county council would belong to a state council, and each state council would belong to the national consumption council.” This would “allow for the fact that different kinds of consumption affect different numbers of people”. The consumer councils then liaise with the firms for the required products.
This is a vision based on democratic principles, where decisions are taken together, creating a public forum for sound consumption patterns, and introducing equity into society. As Albert asks: “Why can’t workers in different enterprises and industries, and consumers in different neighbourhoods and regions, coordinate their joint endeavours themselves – consciously, democratically, equitably, and efficiently? Why can’t councils of consumers and workers propose what they would like to do, and revise their own proposals as they discover more about the impact of their desires on others? What is impossible about a social, iterative, planning procedure in which other workers approve production proposals only when they are convinced they are socially efficient and other consumers approve consumption requests only when they are convinced they are not socially abusive? What is impossible about the ‘associated producers’ (and consumers) planning their related activities?”
During his speech, Michael Albert compared capitalism to a thug’s economy. People must grab as much as they can, and the ones that are stronger, with the more guns, will grab more. Those who can’t, fall behind into a world of financial and social turmoil. As such it creates a very competitive world, where “nice guys finish last” and “garbage rises”. Parecon is an economic alternative to capitalism and to the pessimistic Tina (“There is no alternative”) doctrine. A quarter of a century after Thatcher coined the phrase, the present Mauritian government is now making a career out of it. It is difficult to review the whole literature on parecon in a short article, but more can be found at www.parecon.org.
<B>Diren VALAYDEN</B>
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