The hype is over. Zimbabweans have gone to the polls and, according to the South African Observer mission, the election results ?reflect the will of the people?. But who are ?the people?? Do they include the 52 percent of women who make up the electorate? And if this is the case, then why have women fared so badly in the elections?

The March elections provided a litmus test to see whether the country would meet the 30 percent target for women in decision-making by 2005 set in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Gender and Development Declaration eight years ago.

Zimbabwe failed the test. Women?s representation in Parliament has increased by a mere 5.4 percent to 16 percent.

The optimists amongst us cautiously celebrated the appointment of Joyce Mujuru as vice-president. And when ?gender equality? became a catch phrase in her campaign messages, the hype and anticipation grew. Surely, this time, many more women would emerge victorious!

<B>Keeping promises</B>

But women lost again and we must go home and question why it is that the targets have not been met. Is that there are no women leaders? Surely not! Or, is the more fitting question: where are they?

Of the 120 elected seats, the 58 women contesting the elections won 20. This means that about one in three of the women who actually contested the elections won. Given the odds against women in constituency elections, especially in the conflict-ridden climate in Zimbabwe, this is actually relatively high.

But the real problem is the dearth of women contesting the elections to begin with. Despite pledges to the contrary, none of the parties fielded one third women candidates (in other words 40 out of the potential 120 seats).

The ruling Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) fielded 30; the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 18; ZANU NDONGA 8 women candidates. There were also two independent women candidates.

Hopes then turned to the 30 out of 150 MPs that President Robert Mugabe got to appoint. Here was his opportunity, it seemed, to make a difference. After all, long-life president that he is, Mugabe is one of the few remaining SADC leaders who actually signed the declaration in 1997.

The appointed seats consist of ten governors, eight appointees to the council of chiefs, and 12 others. Of these, only two of the 10 governors and two of the non-constituency MPs are women. There are no women on the chiefs? council. Thus overall, there are 24 out of 150, or 16 percent women in the new Parliament.

Other than not fielding enough women or lobbying for more women to be appointed, political parties did not do enough to ensure that women won elections where they stood. For example, despite the outward progressive stance taken by ZANU PF on gender issues in the election, the party fielded most candidates in urban areas, which are considered MDC strongholds. In the end, only 14 women out of the 30 fielded by the party made it into Parliament.

The MDC did not fare any better. While the party paid much lip service to women?s representation, it did not present a clear policy on women?s representation in its party structures and fielded many women in rural areas, considered ZANU-PF strongholds. It is not surprising then that only six party women made it to Parliament.

<B>A process requiring preparation</B>

History shows that the Zimbabwean electorate tend to vote along party lines rather than according to the calibre of the candidates. Being aware of this trend, parties could have shown their commitment by having women candidates stand in their strongholds. Even Mujuru?s presence in the presidium and influential role in the ruling party did not impact on the voting trends at all.

But it is not only political parties who have a role to play in increasing women?s representation. Gender activists and other stakeholders need to recognise that elections are a process that requires preparation well in advance if significant and sustained progress is to be made.

For example, lobbying and educating constituencies need to begin now in preparation for the 2010 elections to achieve the desired levels of women?s representation in decision-making structures. This includes encouraging women to become active participants in the electoral process as well as encouraging them to vote for fellow women.

In addition, younger generations need to be targeted. When the MDC was formed in 1999, a number of graduates fresh from university made it to Parliament but women were conspicuously absent. This is partly because, in Zimbabwe, young women tend to shy away from student politics for fear of being labelled ?men?, as well as very strong patriarchal societal influences.

It is also necessary to continue lobbying for legislation to be put in place and enforced to ensure women are sufficiently represented in decision-making bodies. A good place to take the issue up is during the August 2005 SADC Heads of State meeting in Botswana, where the all-male leaders will be asked to account for what they have done to make good their promises.

<B>Loveness JAMBAYA</B> <I>(Loveness Jambaya is the Zimbabwe country representative of the Gender and Media Southern African Network. This article is part of the Gender Links GEM Opinion and Commentary Service).</I>