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Benedikt Erforth

“The recent elections reaffirmed the power of the vote”

25 avril 2025, 12:20

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“The recent elections reaffirmed the power of the vote”

What were the objectives and purpose of your stay in Mauritius since February 2025?

The University of Mauritius and the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS) have initiated a joint research project examining Mauritius’s digital transformation journey and its engagement with external partners. This initiative is part of the IDOS Postgraduate Programme for Sustainability Cooperation (PGP), which has been training young graduates in international cooperation for over half a century. As part of this programme, five German students, alongside their Mauritian counterparts, have conducted over 50 interviews with both local and international stakeholders. On April 16th 2025, we organized a high-level stakeholder workshop that brought together policymakers, private sector representatives, academics, and civil society members to discuss strategic pathways for Mauritius’s digital future. The Minister of Information Technology, Communication and Innovation, Dr. Avinash Ramtohul, delivered a keynote speech outlining the government’s priorities in cyberspace. The data collected will be analysed and compiled into a report. The report is scheduled for publishing in summer 2025. In collaboration with Prof. Roukaya Kasenally, the aim is to strengthen research links between Mauritius and Germany, fostering joint knowledge creation that transcends Global NorthSouth dichotomies.

How do you intend to further strengthen research links between Germany and Mauritius?

The Postgraduate Programme represents a key element in the collaboration between the University of Mauritius and IDOS. Both institutions have signed a Letter of Intent, laying the groundwork for future cooperation. Digital transformation – encompassing data privacy, data sovereignty, infrastructure, and global competition – is a critical area of research impacting politics, the economy, and society. Since 2021, IDOS, in partnership with two German institutions, namely the Kiel Institute for the World Economy and the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, has been investigating such structural transformations in Africa and their implications for AfricaEurope relations. This research, under the Megatrends Afrika project, includes digitalisation as a major focus. Insights from our fieldwork in Mauritius will inform future work within this project. Mauritius, as an African nation in the Indian Ocean, offers unique perspectives that can enrich this research stream.

Your visit follows the election of a new government in Mauritius. As an external observer, what are your views on the Mauritian political landscape?

Coming from Germany – a large EU country with a population of over 80 million and borders with nine other nations – conducting research in Mauritius, an island nation of 1.3 million people without land borders, has been enlightening. It is evident that small countries must prioritise resources to address the myriad challenges presented by the global environment. For instance, while the German Foreign Office employs over 13,500 staff worldwide, Mauritius manages its diplomatic relations with a significantly smaller team. However, being small also offers advantages; Mauritius can act more agilely and adapt swiftly when policy adjustments are necessary. The recent elections reaffirmed the strength of democracy and the power of the vote in Mauritius – a positive sign amid global trends of increasing autocratisation. Another notable aspect of the Mauritian political landscape is the influence of networks and the closeknit nature of the political elite, which seem to impact policymaking uniquely. A recurring concept we encountered is “multi-alignment” – the strategy of maintaining friendly relations with all and enmity with none. This approach, distinct from the Western model of integration into specific economic, political, and defence partnerships, positions Mauritius’s foreign policy as uniquely adaptable in an increasingly fragmented world.

Focusing on your area of expertise, how do you view Mauritius’s digital transformation journey?

We chose to focus on Mauritius because it stands out in Africa for its advancements in e-governance and ease of doing business. As the country with the most advanced data privacy legislation and an early adopter of the EU General Data Protection Regulationaligned laws, Mauritius intrigued us as both a digital hub and a gateway to Africa. Our research confirmed its early adopter status but also highlighted ongoing challenges. Notably, there is a need to foster an ecosystem that promotes innovation to avoid the middle-income trap. Many interviewees emphasizes the necessity of a strategic vision that extends beyond individual government mandates to guide longterm digital transformation. Additionally, gaps between policy, regulation, and implementation were noted, particularly concerning surveillance technology, where prioritising citizen rights is crucial. Nonetheless, Mauritius’s economic diversification strategy remains commendable, with digitalization and Fintech ventures playing pivotal roles.

What are the next steps for Mauritius?

As mentioned, Mauritius’s future hinges on establishing a digital innovation system that elevates the nation beyond being merely a digital service provider to becoming a digital innovation hub. Examples from small nations like Estonia demonstrate the importance of carving out a niche to attract foreign investment. We anticipate the realization of the strategic vision announced by the new government, including the forthcoming AI blueprint and the planned revision of the 2017 Data Protection Act.

Emmanuel Macron is visiting several countries in the Indian Ocean, including Mauritius. How do you assess the strategic significance of the sub-region?

President Macron’s visit to Mauritius is part of a five-day tour of the South-West Indian Ocean, including Mayotte, Réunion, and Madagascar. With Mayotte and Réunion as French overseas departments, France perceives itself as an Indian Ocean state. France’s membership in the Indian Ocean Commission and the Indian Ocean Rim Association underscores its vested interest in the region. The visit aims to showcase French support for Mayotte and Réunion, both recently affected by cyclones and health crises. Accompanied by business leaders, Macron’s trip also has economic dimensions, considering that three-quarters of France’s Exclusive Economic Zone is located in the Indo-Pacific region. Discussions on the blue economy are anticipated, reaffirming France’s strategic focus on the area. Macron’s visit reinforces this perspective, signalling France’s and Europe’s commitment to a region crucial for global maritime transit. Lastly, President Macron’s visit closely follows that of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, underscoring the region’s growing geopolitical significance. Ongoing negotiations around the Chagos Archipelago and the continued U.S. military presence on Diego Garcia further highlight how the Indian Ocean and Mauritius are increasingly coming under the strategic spotlight of global powers.

How does France position itself between India, the USA, and China?

France adopts a distinctive approach in the Indo-Pacific, striving to maintain strategic autonomy while engaging with major powers like India, the USA, and China. France emphasizes multilateralism and a rules-based international order. In its relations with India, France has cultivated a robust strategic partnership encompassing defence, civil nuclear energy, and space cooperation. Joint military exercises, such as the Varuna naval drills, and collaborative efforts in the Indian Ocean underscore this deepening relationship.

With the U.S., France has shared common interests in ensuring maritime security and freedom of navigation in the Indo-Pacific. At the same time, France is wary of the rising unilateralism emanating from Washington D.C., emphasised European strategic autonomy, and sees a threat in the rising tensions between the U.S. and China. Already, the 2022 French Strategy for the Indo-Pacific highlighted rising geopolitical tensions, particularly between the US and China, as central to French and European strategic interests. Regarding China, France seeks a balanced relationship. While acknowledging China’s growing influence, France advocates for constructive dialogue and cooperation on global challenges.

NB: Benedikt Erforth is Senior Researcher at IDOS, where he is co-leading the project “Megatrends Afrika”. Benedikt holds a PhD in International Studies from the University of Trento and an MSc in International and European Politics from the University of Edinburgh. He is the author of the monograph “Contemporary French Security Policy in Africa”, co-editor of “Africa Europe Cooperation and Digital Transformation”, and has published widely in academic and non-academic journals.


Debating Trump 2.0 and implications for Africa

Nad Sivaramen : “Mauritius must act like a small boat in turbulent waters”

In this interview with “Megatrends Afrika”, Nad Sivaramen discusses implications of Trump 2.0 for Mauritius and the broader Indian Ocean region. He outlines how a small island state can navigate this new, volatile world.

boat.jpg A small boat and kite surfers in the Indian Ocean on the South Coast of Mauritius, September 18, 2024.

How are the first months of the new Trump administration being debated in Mauritius, both policymakers and the wider public?

The early months of Trump’s return to the White House are viewed with a mix of strategic curiosity and political anxiety in Mauritius. Among policymakers, the focus has largely been on one issue: the Chagos Archipelago. Trump has managed to do what few others dared – transform a longstanding decolonization dispute into a real estate negotiation. His transactional worldview treats sovereignty as an asset: if it cannot be monetized or strategically leveraged, it holds little value. When he expressed openness to a long-term lease of Diego Garcia to the U.S. in exchange for symbolic recognition of Mauritian sovereignty, Port-Louis listened closely.

Prime Minister Navin Ramgoolam welcomed these statements as “positive.” But among the wider public and civil society, the mood is more cautious. There is a growing awareness that what’s being offered may be a sovereignty on paper – Mauritius gets its flag, but Washington keeps the keys. For many, the concern lies not just in the deal itself, but also in the precedent it sets: if sovereignty can be bought, what’s next?

At the same time, there’s little illusion left about the nature of Trump’s foreign policy. This is not diplomacy anchored in values or law. This is power, reduced to its transactional essence. And Mauritius, as a small island state, must navigate this world carefully, knowing full well that in the Trump doctrine, nothing is sacred – only useful.

Where do you see the largest challenges and opportunities for Mauritius right now and in the mid-term resulting from the changing U.S. policy?

The greatest challenge Mauritius faces is economic. Trump’s approach to global trade – tariffs, unilateralism, disregard for the World Trade Organization – directly threatens the fabric of the small, exportoriented Mauritian economy. If the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) is not renewed beyond 2025, or if it is significantly altered, Mauritius’s textile industry, already fragile, could lose crucial market access. This would hit employment hard, particularly for women.

Mauritius does not have the luxury of absorbing such shocks. Protectionist surges in Washington, D.C., would translate directly into job losses in Vacoas and Quatre-Bornes. A trade war between the U.S. and China, or tariffs on African goods, would ricochet across our supply chains. And unlike Trump’s America, we cannot print our way out of trouble.

But even in this climate, there are strategic openings. The Chagos question – if handled with tact – could bring longoverdue closure to a colonial injustice. There is also space to position Mauritius as a neutral, reliable partner in a region increasingly marked by big-power rivalry. If Washington looks for stable gateways to Africa, Mauritius can offer that. But it will need to be done on our terms – not as pawns in a larger geopolitical auction.

What strategies of engagement does your country follow in light of the new administration rising to power and a seemingly ever more fragmented world?

Mauritius must act like a small boat in turbulent waters – never still, always adjusting its sails. The world Trump is shaping, or rather accelerating, is one where multilateralism is hollowed out and replaced by bilateral deals based on brute interests. In this fragmented world, our first line of defence must be diplomatic agility.

Three strategies are emerging. First, deepening regional ties. The Indian Ocean Commission, African Union, and alliances with East African states must serve as buffers against isolation. Second, geopolitical diversification. India, China, and the Gulf States are all vying for influence in the Indian Ocean. Mauritius must engage all but align with none. Non-alignment, updated for the 21st century.

Third, Mauritius must weaponize its legal and institutional capital. The Chagos case showed that global courts still matter – when leveraged strategically. Any future agreement with the U.S. or UK over Diego Garcia must be anchored in international law, not political expediency.

Above all, Mauritius must refuse to be trapped in the logic Trump champions: that everything is for sale. Our territory, our sovereignty, our future – these are not negotiable assets. They are foundations. In this increasingly cynical world order, standing by those principles may be the most strategic choice of all.